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user warning: Table 'hjta_prod.cache_similarterms' doesn't exist query: UPDATE cache_similarterms SET data = 'a:3:{i:0;O:8:\"stdClass\":28:{s:3:\"nid\";s:2:\"85\";s:3:\"vid\";s:2:\"85\";s:4:\"type\";s:12:\"propositions\";s:6:\"status\";s:1:\"1\";s:7:\"created\";s:10:\"1194662041\";s:7:\"changed\";s:10:\"1233282898\";s:7:\"comment\";s:1:\"0\";s:7:\"promote\";s:1:\"0\";s:6:\"sticky\";s:1:\"0\";s:18:\"revision_timestamp\";s:10:\"1233282898\";s:5:\"title\";s:86:\"An Analysis of Government Revenues in California Since the Enactment of Proposition 13\";s:4:\"body\";s:2862:\"Executive Summary\r\n<ul>\r\n<li>Revenues for every category of government in California increased when adjusted for inflation and population growth between FY 1977-78 and FY 2002-03.</li>\r\n<li>Total state government revenues adjusted for inflation and population growth grew well over 25% from FY 1977-78 to FY 2002-03 (see page 13). Personal income tax revenues adjusted for inflation and population growth have increased 57 percent over this period (see page 19).</li>\r\n<li>County government revenues in California, adjusted for inflation and population growth, grew 8.43 percent from FY 1977-78 to FY 2002-03 (see page 69). During this time, counties became more dependent upon state transfers for revenue, while experiencing a significant drop in property and sales tax revenue (see page 71).</li>\r\n<li>City government revenues in California, adjusted for inflation and population growth, grew over 20 percent from FY 1977-78 to FY 2002-03 (see page 127). Per capita revenues from current service charges, adjusted for inflation, increased over 41 percent over this period, while revenues from general property taxes decreased over 49 percent. This loss in property tax revenue was more than offset by other non-property taxes and other revenues (see page 131).</li>\r\n<li>K-12 school districts revenues per student, adjusted for inflation, increased over 30 percent between FY 1977-78 and FY 2002-03 (see pages 188-189). Particularly notable increases in school district revenue came from federal aid, which increased sharply since FY 1997-98. Large increases in state aid to education were also recorded during this period (see pages 190-193).</li>\r\n<li>Special district revenues in California, adjusted for inflation, grew over 160 percent. Per capita revenues increased over 64 percent (see page 207). Special district enterprise revenue, adjusted for inflation and population growth, grew over 31 percent, while special district non-enterprise revenue grew over 74 percent (see pages 209-211).</li>\r\n<li>State expenditures for K-12 education, adjusted for inflation and population growth, grew almost 99 percent between FY 1977-78 and FY 2002-03, while health and welfare expenditures grew over 48 percent (see page 49).</li>\r\n<li>County expenditures for health and sanitation, adjusted for inflation and population growth, increased over 38 percent, while public protection expenditures increased over 61 percent (see page 107).</li>\r\n<li>City expenditures for police protection, adjusted for inflation and population growth, increased almost 59 percent between FY 1977-78 and 2002-03, while expenditures for sewerage and sanitation increased over 301 percent (see page 173).</li>\r\n</ul>\r\n<a href=\"/pdf/CGA-HJTA-P13-Report.pdf\" target=\"_blank\">Read or download the entire report in PDF format</a> (.5MB).\r\n\r\n\";s:6:\"teaser\";s:41:\"Executive Summary\";s:3:\"log\";s:0:\"\";s:6:\"format\";s:1:\"3\";s:3:\"uid\";s:1:\"3\";s:4:\"name\";s:6:\"jmonma\";s:7:\"picture\";s:0:\"\";s:4:\"data\";s:6:\"a:0:{}\";s:4:\"path\";s:92:\"propositions/proposition-13/analysis-government-revenues-california-enactment-proposition-13\";s:12:\"field_byline\";a:1:{i:0;a:1:{s:5:\"value\";s:0:\"\";}}s:22:\"field_featured_content\";a:1:{i:0;a:1:{s:5:\"value\";s:2:\"no\";}}s:4:\"tags\";a:1:{i:1;a:5:{i:12;O:8:\"stdClass\":5:{s:3:\"tid\";s:2:\"12\";s:3:\"vid\";s:1:\"1\";s:4:\"name\";s:10:\"California\";s:11:\"description\";s:0:\"\";s:6:\"weight\";s:1:\"0\";}i:58;O:8:\"stdClass\":5:{s:3:\"tid\";s:2:\"58\";s:3:\"vid\";s:1:\"1\";s:4:\"name\";s:9:\"Education\";s:11:\"description\";s:0:\"\";s:6:\"weight\";s:1:\"0\";}i:48;O:8:\"stdClass\":5:{s:3:\"tid\";s:2:\"48\";s:3:\"vid\";s:1:\"1\";s:4:\"name\";s:14:\"Proposition 13\";s:11:\"description\";s:0:\"\";s:6:\"weight\";s:1:\"0\";}i:52;O:8:\"stdClass\":5:{s:3:\"tid\";s:2:\"52\";s:3:\"vid\";s:1:\"1\";s:4:\"name\";s:8:\"Research\";s:11:\"description\";s:0:\"\";s:6:\"weight\";s:1:\"0\";}i:64;O:8:\"stdClass\":5:{s:3:\"tid\";s:2:\"64\";s:3:\"vid\";s:1:\"1\";s:4:\"name\";s:12:\"State Budget\";s:11:\"description\";s:0:\"\";s:6:\"weight\";s:1:\"0\";}}}s:22:\"last_comment_timestamp\";s:10:\"1233282898\";s:17:\"last_comment_name\";N;s:13:\"comment_count\";s:1:\"0\";s:8:\"taxonomy\";a:7:{i:43;O:8:\"stdClass\":5:{s:3:\"tid\";s:2:\"43\";s:3:\"vid\";s:1:\"5\";s:4:\"name\";s:14:\"Proposition 13\";s:11:\"description\";s:0:\"\";s:6:\"weight\";s:3:\"-10\";}i:6;O:8:\"stdClass\":5:{s:3:\"tid\";s:1:\"6\";s:3:\"vid\";s:1:\"2\";s:4:\"name\";s:19:\"Studies and Reports\";s:11:\"description\";s:0:\"\";s:6:\"weight\";s:1:\"0\";}i:12;r:31;i:58;r:37;i:48;r:43;i:52;r:49;i:64;r:55;}s:10:\"page_title\";b:0;}i:1;O:8:\"stdClass\":28:{s:3:\"nid\";s:3:\"189\";s:3:\"vid\";s:3:\"189\";s:4:\"type\";s:9:\"hjta_blog\";s:6:\"status\";s:1:\"1\";s:7:\"created\";s:10:\"1165802853\";s:7:\"changed\";s:10:\"1236623731\";s:7:\"comment\";s:1:\"0\";s:7:\"promote\";s:1:\"0\";s:6:\"sticky\";s:1:\"0\";s:18:\"revision_timestamp\";s:10:\"1236623731\";s:5:\"title\";s:50:\"Judicial Micromanagement a Nightmare for Taxpayers\";s:4:\"body\";s:5583:\"In our Republic, there are -- or are supposed to be -- fairly well defined lines of government authority. At an early age, our children are taught that there are three branches of government and that, under our system of federalism, the states share political power with the national government.\r\nThroughout American history, the relative power between the federal government and the states, and between the branches of government (at the state and national level), ebb and flow subjected to the political forces of the time. Sometimes those changes are violent and abrupt. The Civil War saw a huge expansion of federal power at the expense of the states. Less violent, but almost as significant, was the expansion of Executive Powers of the Presidency in the 1930s under President Roosevelt.\r\nNo matter what one thinks about either the Civil War or FDR\'s New Deal, it cannot be denied that both are stark examples of major realignments of political power which redefined the very notions of \"federalism.\" One wonders whether our Founding Fathers would even recognize America\'s system of governance as it exists today.\r\nDivision of power between the branches of government and between the states and federal government is justified on the well-founded and virtually proven maxim that concentrated political power results in despotism. It is for that reason that we should all be concerned when one branch of government steps out of its traditional role and exercises powers designed for other branches.\r\nLast year, U.S. District Court Judge Thelton Henderson placed the $1.5 billion California prison health care system into receivership and appointed Robert Sillen as receivership czar tasked with reforming a system that may have been responsible for the deaths of as many as 34 inmates.\r\nTo solve perceived problems in healthcare delivery, Sillen has carte blanch to dip into the state treasury and to suspend state laws and contracts that he sees as hindering progress.\r\nCalifornians have clearly stated that they want career criminals off the streets, first by overwhelmingly approving the three-strikes initiative -- three felonies and it\'s life in prison -- and more recently by rejecting a ballot measure that would have excluded some felonies from consideration as a third strike. However, with the demand for longer prison sentences comes a responsibility to provide for the housing and care of convicts. For this, we must rely on the \r\nLegislature and governor, and it is their failure to meet expectations that has resulted in Judge Henderson\'s seizing jurisdiction over inmates\' healthcare.\r\nTaxpayers now find themselves in the worst possible predicament. They must pay whatever the director of the court-appointed California Prison Health Care Receivership dictates, but they have no control through their elected representatives over how the money is being spent. And the initial indications are not good.\r\nDirector Sillen, the former head of the Santa Clara County medical system, is drawing a $500,000 annual salary, nearly two-and-a-half times the governor\'s pay -- although the current governor chooses to take just one dollar each year. At least two of his staff members are making close to $200,000 per year and four more are collecting closer to $300,000 annually. Add to this approximately 30 percent to cover benefits.\r\nIf this does not seem expensive, keep in mind that Sillen w provide 10,000 new hospital beds, at an estimated cost of $3 \r\nbillion. To plan and oversee construction of the new facilities a need for 130 additional employees is anticipated.\r\nWill this result in better health care for inmates? At this price, one would certainly hope so. However, other examples of federal judges taking over programs are not encouraging.\r\nIn 1985 a federal judge partially took over the Kansas City school system in the interest of raising student achievement scores. Judge Russell Clark instructed the schools to tell him what was needed and promised he would order taxpayers to pay for it.\r\nAt a cost of $2 billion, teachers\' salaries were fattened, the student-to-teacher ratio was lowered to 13-to-one, and spending per pupil was lifted to the highest of any large district in the country. After 12 years, student achievement scores did not improve.\r\nSome will argue that prisons and schools are different, that prisoners have fewer protections and political allies than students and, therefore, it is appropriate for the courts to step forward to rectify what may be conditions that threaten inmates\' health.\r\nHowever, it is one thing for the courts to mandate service changes or improvements for a government program, and it is another for a court to impose judicial taxation and to attempt to micromanage a program.\r\nThe scope of judicial power in the United States is to resolve \"cases and controversies\" between parties over whom the court has jurisdiction. To have a judge -- especially a federal judge -- assume virtually unchecked power over a major function of a state is both troubling and dangerous.\r\nEven a black robe cannot hid despotism.\r\nJon Coupal is president of the Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association -- California\'s largest taxpayer organization -- which is dedicated to the protection of Proposition 13 and promoting taxpayers\' rights.\r\nTo print or download a PDF version of this commentary, <a href=\"/pdf/commentary/HJTACalCommentaryV4-50.pdf\">click here</a>.\r\n\";s:6:\"teaser\";s:302:\"In our Republic, there are -- or are supposed to be -- fairly well defined lines of government authority. At an early age, our children are taught that there are three branches of government and that, under our system of federalism, the states share political power with the national government.\";s:3:\"log\";s:0:\"\";s:6:\"format\";s:1:\"3\";s:3:\"uid\";s:1:\"4\";s:4:\"name\";s:10:\"Jon Coupal\";s:7:\"picture\";s:28:\"files/pictures/picture-4.jpg\";s:4:\"data\";s:111:\"a:4:{s:7:\"contact\";i:1;s:17:\"mimemail_textonly\";i:0;s:14:\"picture_delete\";s:0:\"\";s:14:\"picture_upload\";s:0:\"\";}\";s:4:\"path\";s:66:\"california-commentary/judicial-micromanagement-nightmare-taxpayers\";s:12:\"field_byline\";a:1:{i:0;a:1:{s:5:\"value\";s:13:\"by Jon Coupal\";}}s:22:\"field_featured_content\";a:1:{i:0;a:1:{s:5:\"value\";s:2:\"no\";}}s:4:\"tags\";a:1:{i:1;a:5:{i:12;O:8:\"stdClass\":5:{s:3:\"tid\";s:2:\"12\";s:3:\"vid\";s:1:\"1\";s:4:\"name\";s:10:\"California\";s:11:\"description\";s:0:\"\";s:6:\"weight\";s:1:\"0\";}i:58;O:8:\"stdClass\":5:{s:3:\"tid\";s:2:\"58\";s:3:\"vid\";s:1:\"1\";s:4:\"name\";s:9:\"Education\";s:11:\"description\";s:0:\"\";s:6:\"weight\";s:1:\"0\";}i:17;O:8:\"stdClass\":5:{s:3:\"tid\";s:2:\"17\";s:3:\"vid\";s:1:\"1\";s:4:\"name\";s:10:\"government\";s:11:\"description\";s:0:\"\";s:6:\"weight\";s:1:\"0\";}i:124;O:8:\"stdClass\":5:{s:3:\"tid\";s:3:\"124\";s:3:\"vid\";s:1:\"1\";s:4:\"name\";s:7:\"Prisons\";s:11:\"description\";s:0:\"\";s:6:\"weight\";s:1:\"0\";}i:62;O:8:\"stdClass\":5:{s:3:\"tid\";s:2:\"62\";s:3:\"vid\";s:1:\"1\";s:4:\"name\";s:5:\"Waste\";s:11:\"description\";s:0:\"\";s:6:\"weight\";s:1:\"0\";}}}s:22:\"last_comment_timestamp\";s:10:\"1234318137\";s:17:\"last_comment_name\";N;s:13:\"comment_count\";s:1:\"0\";s:8:\"taxonomy\";a:6:{i:37;O:8:\"stdClass\":5:{s:3:\"tid\";s:2:\"37\";s:3:\"vid\";s:1:\"3\";s:4:\"name\";s:21:\"California Commentary\";s:11:\"description\";s:0:\"\";s:6:\"weight\";s:1:\"0\";}i:12;r:112;i:58;r:118;i:17;r:124;i:124;r:130;i:62;r:136;}s:10:\"page_title\";b:0;}i:2;O:8:\"stdClass\":28:{s:3:\"nid\";s:3:\"190\";s:3:\"vid\";s:3:\"190\";s:4:\"type\";s:9:\"hjta_blog\";s:6:\"status\";s:1:\"1\";s:7:\"created\";s:10:\"1165198178\";s:7:\"changed\";s:10:\"1248726471\";s:7:\"comment\";s:1:\"0\";s:7:\"promote\";s:1:\"0\";s:6:\"sticky\";s:1:\"0\";s:18:\"revision_timestamp\";s:10:\"1248726471\";s:5:\"title\";s:22:\"It\'s All About Dollars\";s:4:\"body\";s:5594:\"A horrible crisis has gripped the California education establishment. Lower test scores? Higher drop out rates? Fewer kids going on to college? Far worse than that. The disaster is that there are fewer kids to teach. A report from the California Legislative Analyst shows K-12 enrollment will drop next year by more than 6,000 students, a trend that is predicted to continue through the end of the decade.\r\nBut wait a minute -- haven\'t we been told that a big problem with California schools is overcrowding? If our schools are \"bursting at the seams,\" wouldn\'t a few less students be a good thing and perhaps even improve the learning environment?\r\nCommon sense says yes. But common sense and education policy in California are usually miles apart.\r\nThe real cause for the educators\' concern is not the kids -- it\'s money. Although 6,000 fewer students may not seem significant in a system that serves over 6 million students statewide, each student lost means a reduction in total dollars provided to education, currently more than half of the state budget.\r\nThis modest loss is a shock to those in the education community who have come to think of increased enrollment, and the money that goes with it, as the rule -- between fiscal years 1991-92 and 2001-02 enrollment increased by an average of 80,000 students each year.\r\nWhile most teachers, administrations or those who provide services genuinely want our schools to succeed in their mission to graduate educated young people, there is nonetheless a built-in bias toward ever more spending, which includes increases in pay and benefits for employees and more contracts for service providers.\r\nIn 2005, the Los Angeles Unified School District placed on the ballot its fourth bond in eight years. Using the district\'s own estimates, taxpayers provided a ballot argument opposing this latest $4 billion bond, saying it should be postponed because of evidence the LAUSD was facing a long-term trend of declining enrollment -- more than 16,000 students over the next four years.\r\nBackers of the bond took the authors of the ballot opposition (including this writer) to court in an effort to excise references to the loss of students, but the judge left them in. Moreover, we now know that even those estimates were way too modest. This year, the LAUSD admitted to a one-year decline of 30,000 students, confirming that the wise course would have been to delay taking on another $4 billion in debt that must be retired by taxpayers.\r\nWhat we are seeing is the rise of a powerful cadre of pro-spending, pro-bond \"lobbyists,\" from the ranks of those who directly benefit, including school employees, contractors and bond brokers. The result is that, while often the needs are genuine, just as often the extent of the need is exaggerated.\r\nAnd it is a problem that extends well beyond spending on education. In 1990, backers of Proposition 111 were trying to convince Californians to raise the tax on gasoline -- just one of the numerous times that we have been told that there is a \"magic bullet\" solution to our transportation woes. To raise money for expensive advertising, the campaign sent letters to all those who had ever contracted with CalTrans, reminding them of the benefits they had derived from state contracts and asking them to dig deep to help pass the gas tax increase.\r\nAlthough a blatant example of how special interests are often behind bond and spending initiatives, it illustrates what is a common occurrence. Look at the list, available on the Secretary of State\'s website, of those who contributed to the campaign to pass Propositions 1B, 1C, 1D and 1E. Much of the money was provided by those who expect to do the work, now that this $37 billion bond package has been approved.\r\nAnd special interest lobbying continues to be alive and well at the local level. When the Los Angeles City Council placed a $1 billion housing bond on the last ballot, the several million dollars spent by the campaign in support was provided by, you guessed it, developers who expected to receive contracts if the measure had been approved.\r\nMake no mistake, California has severe infrastructure needs. These have resulted from an abandonment of the policies of the early 1960s, when capital improvements were paid for by a combination of yearly pay-as-you-go outlays and modest bond investment. Over time, the focus has shifted from building and maintaining infrastructure, to spending more on social welfare and government employees, who are now rated as the highest paid in the nation, according to the U.S. Census Bureau.\r\nAnd no, Proposition 13 is not a part of this equation. <a href=\"http://www.hjta.org/node/223\">Governments at all levels have more money</a>, after adjusting for population growth and inflation, than they did prior to the passage of Proposition 13.\r\nWhat is needed is to refocus our spending priorities. We must take a balanced approach that funds programs in a way that benefits all California residents, not just those whose sole interest in taxing and spending is inflating their personal bottom line. \r\n \r\nJon Coupal is president of the Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association -- California\'s largest taxpayer organization -- which is dedicated to the protection of Proposition 13 and promoting taxpayers\' rights.\r\nTo print or download a PDF version of this commentary, <a href=\"http://www.hjta.org/pdf/commentary/HJTACalCommentaryV4-49.pdf\">click here</a>. \r\n\r\n\";s:6:\"teaser\";s:412:\"A horrible crisis has gripped the California education establishment. Lower test scores? Higher drop out rates? Fewer kids going on to college? Far worse than that. The disaster is that there are fewer kids to teach. A report from the California Legislative Analyst shows K-12 enrollment will drop next year by more than 6,000 students, a trend that is predicted to continue through the end of the decade.\";s:3:\"log\";s:0:\"\";s:6:\"format\";s:1:\"3\";s:3:\"uid\";s:1:\"4\";s:4:\"name\";s:10:\"Jon Coupal\";s:7:\"picture\";s:28:\"files/pictures/picture-4.jpg\";s:4:\"data\";s:111:\"a:4:{s:7:\"contact\";i:1;s:17:\"mimemail_textonly\";i:0;s:14:\"picture_delete\";s:0:\"\";s:14:\"picture_upload\";s:0:\"\";}\";s:4:\"path\";s:43:\"california-commentary/its-all-about-dollars\";s:12:\"field_byline\";a:1:{i:0;a:1:{s:5:\"value\";s:13:\"by Jon Coupal\";}}s:22:\"field_featured_content\";a:1:{i:0;a:1:{s:5:\"value\";s:2:\"no\";}}s:4:\"tags\";a:1:{i:1;a:3:{i:58;O:8:\"stdClass\":5:{s:3:\"tid\";s:2:\"58\";s:3:\"vid\";s:1:\"1\";s:4:\"name\";s:9:\"Education\";s:11:\"description\";s:0:\"\";s:6:\"weight\";s:1:\"0\";}i:101;O:8:\"stdClass\":5:{s:3:\"tid\";s:3:\"101\";s:3:\"vid\";s:1:\"1\";s:4:\"name\";s:11:\"Los Angeles\";s:11:\"description\";s:0:\"\";s:6:\"weight\";s:1:\"0\";}i:70;O:8:\"stdClass\":5:{s:3:\"tid\";s:2:\"70\";s:3:\"vid\";s:1:\"1\";s:4:\"name\";s:17:\"Special Interests\";s:11:\"description\";s:0:\"\";s:6:\"weight\";s:1:\"0\";}}}s:22:\"last_comment_timestamp\";s:10:\"1234318231\";s:17:\"last_comment_name\";N;s:13:\"comment_count\";s:1:\"0\";s:8:\"taxonomy\";a:4:{i:37;O:8:\"stdClass\":5:{s:3:\"tid\";s:2:\"37\";s:3:\"vid\";s:1:\"3\";s:4:\"name\";s:21:\"California Commentary\";s:11:\"description\";s:0:\"\";s:6:\"weight\";s:1:\"0\";}i:58;r:187;i:101;r:193;i:70;r:199;}s:10:\"page_title\";b:0;}}', created = 1268355962, expire = 1268359562, headers = '' WHERE cid = '1:37' in /var/www/hjta.org/public_html/includes/database.mysqli.inc on line 156.

American Tax Reduction Movement

Jarvis goes to Washington. All of Washington was interested in the popular notion of tax cutting after Proposition 13's success at the polls. Here Howard Jarvis listens to a question surrounded by members of the United States Senate. Among those around the table are senators Sam Hayakawa, Bob Dole, Orrin Hatch, and Richard Schweiker.

The American Tax Reduction Movement (ATRM) was founded by Howard Jarvis to develop and promote public policies advocating the reduction of property taxes throughout the United States. ATRM's goals are to educate the public and to support similar state groups on subjects useful to the individual and beneficial to the community, with the particular emphasis on the benefits of property tax reduction.

ATRM has been involved with education and support of tax reduction proposals in Nevada, Arizona, Florida and Idaho.

Members of ATRM and HJTA enjoy dual membership.

Filed Under: About HJTA

Tags: ATRM, Education, American Tax Reduction Movement

DEDICATED TO PROTECTING PROPOSITION 13 AND PROMOTING TAXPAYERS' RIGHTS

American Tax Reduction Movement

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DEDICATED TO PROTECTING PROPOSITION 13 AND PROMOTING TAXPAYERS' RIGHTS

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